The Gender Gap in 2022: Only 29 Women Won Parliamentary Seats

Article 81(b) of the 2010 Constitution of Kenya is unambiguous: 'not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public bodies shall be of the same gender.' Twelve years later, the 2022 election results make a mockery of this provision. Women won just 29 of 290 directly elected National Assembly seats — a mere 10%, falling catastrophically short of the constitutional minimum of 33%.

The Numbers Across All Positions

Women's representation in the 2022 election:

• President/Deputy President: 0 of 2 (Martha Karua lost as running mate)
• Governors: 7 of 47 (14.9%) — up from 3 in 2017
• Senators: 3 of 47 directly elected (6.4%)
• National Assembly (constituency): 29 of 290 (10.0%)
• Women Representatives: 47 of 47 (100% — these are reserved seats)
• MCAs: Approximately 96 of 1,450 directly elected wards (6.6%)

Including the 47 reserved Women Representative seats and nominated positions, women constitute approximately 21% of the National Assembly — still well below the constitutional two-thirds threshold of 33%.

The Seven Women Governors

The 2022 election saw a modest increase in women governors from 3 to 7:

• Kawira Mwangaza (Meru): Won as an independent — the most dramatic story
• Susan Kihika (Nakuru): Former senator who successfully transitioned
• Wavinya Ndeti (Machakos): Third attempt at the governor's seat finally succeeded
• Fatuma Achani (Kwale): First woman to govern a Coast region county
• Cecily Mbarire (Embu): Former MP who leveraged her parliamentary network
• Gladys Wanga (Homa Bay): Won with an overwhelming 78% in a traditionally patriarchal region
• Anne Waiguru (Kirinyaga): Won re-election for her second term

Why Women Lose

Research by the Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA-Kenya) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) identified systemic barriers:

1. Campaign finance: Women candidates raised an average of 40% less than their male counterparts. Without wealthy personal networks or corporate sponsors, many women couldn't fund competitive campaigns.

2. Party nominations: Of the women who sought major-party nominations, only 22% succeeded, compared to 35% of male aspirants. Nomination processes — often involving physical jostling and late-night negotiations — systematically disadvantaged women.

3. Violence and harassment: An estimated 53% of women candidates reported experiencing some form of violence, threats, or sexual harassment during the campaign period. This ranged from social media abuse to physical attacks at campaign events.

4. Cultural resistance: In many communities, particularly in North Eastern, Rift Valley, and parts of Coast, cultural norms still view political leadership as a male domain. Women candidates in these areas faced overt voter hostility.

5. Incumbency disadvantage: With 90% of seats held by men, women challengers face the double disadvantage of both incumbency and gender bias.

Bright Spots

Despite the grim overall picture, several positive trends emerged:

• Governor gains: The increase from 3 to 7 women governors represents a 133% increase — suggesting that the executive level is becoming more accessible
• Urban constituencies: Women won at higher rates in urban and peri-urban constituencies, suggesting that urbanization correlates with gender-progressive voting
• Young women candidates: Several women under 35 won MCA seats, indicating a generational shift in attitudes
• Cross-party support: Women won under both UDA and Azimio banners, showing that gender progress isn't tied to one coalition

The Two-Thirds Gender Rule Deadlock

The constitutional two-thirds gender requirement has been a political football since 2010. Multiple attempts to enact implementing legislation have failed:

• 2012: Gender Bill rejected in Parliament
• 2015: Supreme Court gave Parliament two years to pass implementing legislation or face dissolution
• 2016: Two-Thirds Gender Rule Bill defeated
• 2019: Building Bridges Initiative proposed constitutional amendment — later nullified by courts
• 2022: The issue was absent from both major coalitions' priority agendas

Without affirmative action mechanisms — whether through additional nominated seats, reserved constituencies, or proportional representation — Kenya is unlikely to meet the two-thirds threshold through electoral competition alone.

Track gender representation across all 47 counties. Request a Votrack demo to access disaggregated data on women's electoral performance.